Address By H.H. the Dalai Lama to the European Parliament
Published: Thursday, 4 December, 2008
Your Excellency, Mr. President, Honorable Members of the Parliament,
ladies and gentlemen.
It is a great honour to speak before you today and I thank you for your
invitation. Wherever I go, my main interest or commitment is in the promotion
of human values such as warm heartedness - this is what I consider the key
factor for a happy life at the individual level, family level and community
level. In our modern times, it seems that insufficient attention is paid to
these inner values. Promoting them is therefore my number one commitment.
My second interest or commitment is the promotion of inter-religious
harmony. We accept the need for pluralism in politics and democracy, yet we
often seem more hesitant about the plurality of faiths and religions. Despite
their different concepts and philosophies, all major religious traditions bear
the same messages of love, compassion, tolerance, contentment and
self-discipline. They are also similar in having the potential to help human
beings lead happier lives. So these two are my main interests and commitments.
Of course the issue of
Tibet
is also of particular concern to me and I have a special responsibility to the
people of
Tibet, who
continue to place their hope and trust in me during this most difficult period
in the history of
Tibet.
The welfare of the Tibetan people is my constant motivation and I consider
myself to be their free spokesperson in exile.
The last time I had the privilege to address the European Parliament
(EP), on October 24, 2001, I stated, "despite some development and economic
progress,
Tibet
continues to face fundamental problems of survival. Serious violations of human
rights are widespread throughout
Tibet and are often the result of
policies of racial and cultural discrimination. Yet, they are only the symptoms
and consequences of a deeper problem. The Chinese authorities view
Tibet's
distinct culture and religion as the source of threat of separation. Hence as a
result of deliberate policies an entire people with its unique culture and
identity are facing the threat of extinction".
Since March this year, Tibetans from all walks of life and across the
entire Tibetan plateau demonstrated against the oppressive and discriminatory
policies of the Chinese authorities in
Tibet. With full awareness of the
imminent danger to their lives, Tibetans from all across Tibet known as
Cholka-Sum (U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo), young and old, men and women, monastic and
lay people, believer and non-believers, including students, came together to
spontaneously and courageously express their anguish, dissatisfaction and
genuine grievances at the policies of the Chinese government. I have been
deeply saddened by the loss of life, both Tibetan and Chinese, and immediately
appealed to the Chinese authorities for restraint. Since the Chinese
authorities have blamed me for orchestrating the recent events in
Tibet, I have made repeated appeals for an
independent and respected international body to conduct a thorough
investigation into the matter, including inviting them to
Dharamsala,
India.
If the Chinese government has any evidence to support such serious allegations,
they must disclose it to the world.
Sadly, the Chinese authorities have resorted to brutal methods to deal
with the situation in
Tibet,
despite appeals by many world leaders, NGOs and personalities of international
standing to avoid violence and show restraint. In the process, a large number
of Tibetans have been killed, thousands injured and detained. There are many
whose fate remains completely unknown. Even as I stand here before you, in many parts of
Tibet there is
a huge presence of armed police and military. In many areas Tibetans continue
to suffer under a state of de-facto martial law. There is an atmosphere of
angst and intimidation. Tibetans in
Tibet live in a constant state of
fear of being the next to be arrested. With no international observers,
journalists or even tourists allowed into many parts of
Tibet, I am
deeply worried about the fate of the Tibetans. Presently, the Chinese
authorities have a completely free hand in
Tibet. It is as though Tibetans
face a death sentence, a sentence aimed at wiping out the spirit of the Tibetan
people.
Many honorable members of the EP are well aware of my consistent efforts
to find a mutually acceptable solution to the
Tibet problem through dialogue and
negotiations. In this spirit, in 1988 at the European Parliament in
Strasbourg I presented a formal proposal for negotiations
that does not call for separation and independence of
Tibet. Since
then, our relations with the Chinese government have taken many twists and
turns. After an interruption of nearly 10 years, in 2002 we re-established
direct contact with the Chinese leadership. Extensive discussions have been
held between my envoys and representatives of the Chinese leadership. In these
discussions we have put forth clearly the aspirations of the Tibetan people.
The essence of my Middle Way Approach is to secure genuine autonomy for the
Tibetan people within the scope of the Constitution of the PRC.
During the seventh round of talks in
Beijing on 1st and 2nd
July this year, the Chinese side invited us to present our views on the form of
genuine autonomy. Accordingly, on 31st October 2008 we presented to
the Chinese leadership the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan
People. Our memorandum puts forth our position on genuine autonomy and how the
basic needs of the Tibetan nationality for autonomy and self-government can be
met. We have presented these suggestions with the sole purpose of making a
sincere effort to address the real problems in
Tibet. We were confident that given
goodwill, the issues raised in our memorandum could be implemented.
Unfortunately, the Chinese side has rejected our memorandum in its
totality, branding our suggestions as an attempt at 'semi-independence' and 'independence in disguise' and, for that reason, unacceptable. Moreover, the
Chinese side is accusing us of "ethnic cleansing" because our
memorandum calls for the recognition of the right of autonomous areas "to
regulate the residence, settlement and employment or economic activities of
persons who wish to move to Tibetan areas from other parts of the PRC."
We have made it clear in our memorandum that our intention is not to
expel non-Tibetans. Our concern is the induced mass movement of primarily Han,
but also some other nationalities, into many Tibetan areas, which in turn
marginalizes the native Tibetan population and threatens
Tibet's fragile
natural environment. Major demographic changes that result from massive
migration will lead to the assimilation rather than integration of the Tibetan
nationality into the PRC and gradually lead to the extinction of the distinct
culture and identity of the Tibetan people.
The cases of the peoples of Manchuria, Inner Mongolia and
East Turkestan in the PRC are clear examples of the
devastating consequences of a massive population transfer of the dominant Han
nationality upon the minority nationalities. Today, the language, script and
culture of the Manchu people have become extinct. In
Inner
Mongolia today, only 20% are native Mongolians out of a total
population of 24 million.
Despite the assertions by some hard-line Chinese officials to the
contrary, from the copies of our memorandum made available to you it is clear
that we have sincerely addressed the concerns of the Chinese government about
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the PRC. The memorandum is
self-explanatory. I would welcome your comments and suggestions.
I take this opportunity to appeal to the European Union and the
Parliament to use your good offices, sparing no efforts, to persuade the
Chinese leadership to resolve the issue of
Tibet through earnest negotiations for
the common good of the Tibetan and Chinese peoples
.
While I firmly reject the use of violence as a means in our struggle, we
certainly have the right to explore all other political options available to
us. In the spirit of democracy, I called for a Special Meeting of Tibetans in
exile to discuss the state of Tibetan people and the state of the issue of
Tibet and the
future course of our movement. The meeting took place from November 17-22, 2008
in
Dharamsala,
India. The failure of the Chinese
leadership to respond positively to our initiatives has reaffirmed the
suspicion held by many Tibetans that the Chinese government has no interest
whatsoever in any kind of mutually acceptable solution. Many Tibetans continue
to believe that the Chinese leadership is bent on the forceful and complete
assimilation and absorption of
Tibet
into
China.
They therefore call for the complete independence of
Tibet. Others advocate the right to
self-determination and a referendum in
Tibet. Despite these different
views, the delegates to the Special Meeting unanimously resolved to empower me
to decide the best approach, in accordance with the prevailing situation and
the changes taking place in
Tibet,
China
and the wider world. I will study the suggestions made by about 600 leaders and
delegates from Tibetan communities around the world, including views we are
able to gather from a cross section of Tibetans in
Tibet.
I am a staunch believer in democracy. Consequently, I have consistently
encouraged Tibetans in exile to follow the democratic process. Today, the
Tibetan refugee community may be among the few refugee communities that have
established all three pillars of democracy: legislature, judiciary and
executive. In 2001, we took another great stride in the process of democratization
by having the chairman of the Kashag (cabinet) of the Tibetan Administration in
exile elected by popular vote.
I have always maintained that ultimately the Tibetan people must be able
to decide the future of
Tibet.
As Pandit Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, stated in the Indian
Parliament on December 7, 1950: "The last voice in regard to
Tibet should be the voice of the people of
Tibet and
nobody else."
The issue of
Tibet
has dimensions and implications that go well beyond the fate of six million
Tibetans.
Tibet is situated
between
India and
China. For
centuries
Tibet
acted as a peaceful buffer zone separating the two most populated countries on
earth. However, in 1962, only a few years after the so-called 'peaceful
liberation of
Tibet'
the world witnessed the first ever war between the two Asian giants. This
clearly shows the importance of a just and peaceful resolution of the
Tibet question in ensuring lasting and genuine
trust and friendship between the two most powerful nations of
Asia.
The Tibetan issue is also related to
Tibet's
fragile environment, which scientists have concluded, has an impact on much of
Asia involving billions of people. The Tibetan plateau is
the source of many of
Asia's greatest rivers.
Tibet's
glaciers are the earth's largest ice mass outside the Poles. Some
environmentalists today refer to
Tibet as the Third Pole. And, if
the present warming trend continues the
Indus
River
might dry up within the next 15-20 years. Furthermore,
Tibet's
cultural heritage is based on Buddhism's principle of compassion and
non-violence. Thus, it concerns not just the six million Tibetans, but also the
over 13 million people across the Himalayas,
Mongolia
and in the Republics of Kalmykia and Buryat in
Russia, including a growing number of Chinese brothers and sisters who share
this culture, which has the potential to contribute to a peaceful and harmonious world.
My maxim has always been to hope for the best and to prepare for the
worst. With this in mind, I have counseled the Tibetans in exile to make more
rigorous efforts in educating the younger generation of Tibetans, in
strengthening our cultural and religious institutions in exile with the aim of
preserving our rich cultural heritage, and in expanding and strengthening the democratic
institutions and civil society among the Tibetan refugee community. One of the
main objectives of our exile community is to preserve our cultural heritage
where there is the freedom to do so and to be the free voice of our captive
people inside
Tibet.
The tasks and challenges we face are daunting. As a refugee community, our
resources are naturally limited. We Tibetans also need to face the reality that
our exile may last for a longer time. I would therefore be grateful to the
European Union for assistance in our educational and cultural endeavors.
I have no doubt that the principled and consistent engagement of the EP
with
China will impact the
process of change that is already taking place in
China. The global trend is towards
more openness, freedom, democracy and respect for human rights. Sooner or
later,
China
will have to follow the world trend. In this context, I wish to commend the EP
for awarding the prestigious Sakharov Prize to the Chinese human rights
defender Hu Jia. It is an important signal as we watch
China rapidly
moving forward. With its newfound status,
China is poised to play an
important leading role on the world stage. In order to fulfill this role, I
believe it is vital for
China
to have openness, transparency, rule of law and freedom of information and
thought. There is no doubt that the attitudes and policies of members of the
international community towards
China
will impact the course of the change taking place in
China as much as domestic events
and developments.
In contrast to the continued extremely rigid attitude of the Chinese
government towards
Tibet,
fortunately among the Chinese people - especially among the informed and
educated Chinese circles - there is a growing understanding and sympathy for
the plight of the Tibetan people. Although my faith in the Chinese leadership
with regard to
Tibet
is becoming thinner and thinner, my faith in the Chinese people remains
unshaken. I have therefore been advising the Tibetan people to make concerted
efforts to reach out to the Chinese people. Chinese intellectuals openly
criticized the harsh crackdown of Tibetan demonstrations by the Chinese
government in March this year and called for restraint and dialogue in
addressing the problems in
Tibet.
Chinese lawyers offered publicly to represent arrested Tibetan demonstrators at
trials. Today, there is growing understanding, sympathy, support and solidarity
among our Chinese brothers and sisters for the difficult situation of the
Tibetans and their legitimate aspirations. This is most encouraging. I take
this opportunity to thank the brave Chinese brothers and sisters for their
solidarity.
I also thank the European Parliament for the consistent display of
concern and support for the just and non-violent Tibetan struggle. Your sympathy,
support and solidarity have always been a great source of inspiration and
encouragement to the Tibetan people, both in and outside of
Tibet. I would
like to express special thanks to the members of the Tibet Inter-Group of the
EP, who have made the tragedy of the Tibetan people not only a focus of their
political work but also a cause of their hearts. The many resolutions of the EP
on the issue of
Tibet have
helped greatly to highlight the plight of the Tibetan people and to raise the
awareness of the issue of
Tibet
amongst the public and in governments here in
Europe,
and all around the world
.
The consistency of the European Parliament's support for
Tibet has not gone unnoticed in
China. I regret
where this has caused some tensions in EU-China relations. However, I wish to
share with you my sincere hope and belief that the future of
Tibet and
China
will move beyond mistrust to a relationship based on mutual respect, trust and
recognition of common interest - irrespective of the current very grim situation
inside
Tibet
and the deadlock in the dialogue process between my envoys and the Chinese
leadership. I have no doubt that your continued expressions of concern and
support for Tibet will, in the long run, have a positive impact and help create
the necessary political environment for a peaceful resolution of the issue of
Tibet. Your continued support is, therefore, critical.
I thank you for the honor to share my thoughts with you.
THE DALAI LAMA
Brussels,
Belgium
December 4, 2008
